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Sunday, March 5, 2006

Hat tip to Mal for pointing out this lengthy article in Policy Review: Extremism, Terror, and the Future of Conflict By Michael J. Mazarr. There's both a lot and a lot of nothing here. Like others before him, Mazarr attempts to reconceptualize warfare in the hope of getting us to re-think our manner of conducting conflict and find more effective means of achieving goals. Know thy enemy and thyself, know the nature of the conflict, and you will find the most effective tools to use.

To that extent -- getting the reader to think, it is interesting. One flaw here, however, is that there is no way to "know" these things -- there is often no "right" answer. Mazarr is really telling us that human systems are exceedingly complex and that no single strategy -- particularly a military one alone -- will win a likely war in the modern age. So how do we develop the necessary intelligence about "the other" to derive a strategy effective enough to neutralize him? There's the rub. Edward Said built a second career telling us that even the most in-depth studies of foreign societies are nothing more than caricatures on a good day. Though he overstated and added demonic motivations, in this at least, Said had a point.

Mazarr's prescription (which he admits will not happen):

...An understanding of the principles of conventional warfare will thus continue to serve us well for some time — as will, it is worth reminding ourselves, the sorts of advanced conventional weapons systems, like the F-22 fighter and next-generation naval vessels, that populate typical policy-wonk lists of things we ought to razor out of the defense budget.

The great danger, though, is that, as we are doing now, we will persist in our faith that traditional conventional conflict is the dominant mode of warfare and assume that buying the thirty-eighth iteration of manned-precision-destruction-from-the-air capabilities will answer our security needs. Increasingly, it will not. One implication of this revised view of conflict could be crudely summarized as follows: We ought to shift $50 billion to $70 billion from the U.S. defense budget into a wider array of instruments of national power more attuned to the needs of conflict against alienation. These would include strengthened and expanded institutions of diplomacy, scholarship programs, a vastly reenergized Peace Corps, direct foreign aid, debt forgiveness, a restored and expanded public diplomacy program, and much else...

Several of these -- direct foreign aid, debt forgiveness, public diplomacy -- have dubious track records, and in some cases a strong argument can be made that they exacerbate problems. Further, the weakness of the argument comes on display when trying to apply it to on the ground trouble-spots:

...How do we crush extremists without generating humiliation? How do we accelerate economic growth to create avenues for identity formation without aggravating the specter of “Westernization” that helps spark alienation in the first place? The paradoxes of this challenge are on vivid, and often tragic, display in Iraq today — the need to destroy insurgents without mistreating innocent Iraqis; the desire to hasten economic and social development without creating even more cultural disquiet; the effort to liberate the Iraqi people while making them feel as if they’ve done it for themselves. These are dilemmas with which we are sadly stuck because, in taking on this intractable challenge, we violated the principles of restraint and avoiding humiliation — reasons why a psychopolitik approach would have argued, on balance, against invading Iraq in the first place. (It would also argue, for reasons that ought by now to be obvious, that we should do everything in our power to avoid a military showdown with Iran.)...

Huh? The psychopolitik view is all about balancing all those issues and trying to move the whole in a desirable direction -- a necessarily messy, difficult and unpredictable business. We were also stuck already with many of those dilemmas ever since 1991. In psychopolitik, there isn't a lot new. The "Neocon agenda" (somewhat as the caricature has it) also took a psychological, "root causes" approach -- it just came up with different conclusions as to action. What was Mazarr's prescription for a way forward in the mid '90's? We don't know because it is by no means obvious from his essay what his choices would have been, other than a root cause, "peace, love, cash give-aways" approach. We've heard that before, though this essay would seem to argue that, "no, this time there's a lot of thought behind it," it strikes me that the end resulting prescription would be pretty well the same, though unlike most who promulgate that view, Mazarr at least has a somewhat more realistic view that the "soft approach" is not always enough.

This essay is a good one for Democrat political candidates and advisers to quote from so as to pretend to have a different and more nuanced approach. But while a good read for the purpose of recalibrating the mind -- a sort of cranial palate-cleaning -- I'm not sure there's much new here in the way of substantive policy prescription.

Here's the essay link again: Policy Review: Extremism, Terror, and the Future of Conflict By Michael J. Mazarr

Listed below are links to blogs that reference this entry: Psychopolitik.

TrackBack URL for this entry: http://www.solomonia.com/cgi-bin/mt4/mt-renamedtb.cgi/5809



1 Comment

I agree with you.

"Syme: It's a beautiful thing, the destruction of words. You wouldn't have seen the [Newspeak] Dictionary 10th edition, would you Smith? It's that thick. [illustrates thickness with fingers] The 11th Edition will be that [narrows fingers] thick. Winston Smith: So, The Revolution will be complete when the language is perfect? Syme: The secret is to move from translation, to direct thought, to automatic response. No need for self-discipline. Language coming from here [the larynx], not from here [the brain]" -1984 (film)


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